Numismatics, Sigillography and Epigraphy / Нумизматика, сфрагистика и епиграфика http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE Numismatics, Sigillography and Epigraphy journal / Списание Нумизматика, сфрагистика и епиграфика National Institute of Archaeology in Bulgarian Academy of Sciences / Национален археологически инситут с музей при Българска академия на науките en-US Numismatics, Sigillography and Epigraphy / Нумизматика, сфрагистика и епиграфика 1312-5532 FELIX ANNIVERSARIA, ПРОФЕСОР ДРАГАНОВ! http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/25 Boryana Russeva ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 v xvi Отново за среброто от Пловдивското съкровище (IGCH 869), съхранявано в НАИМ–БАН http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/NSE-13-2017-1-27 <p>The date of Skostokos’ silver coins cannot be considered before the death of Lysimachus precisely because of the composition of Plovdiv hoard – the only known so far hoard of its kind containing this type and kind of coins. It was published by T. Gerassimov (Герасимов 1942, 93-106, pl. 1-3) and republished by K. Dimitrov (Димитров 1984, 57-81). Its subsequent interpretation here is due to a work recently issued by Fischer-Bossert (Fischer-Bossert 2005, 49-74, pl. 3-8) as the author radically changes the reading of the so called Skostokos – Lysimachus’ type of silver tetradrachms known from the studies of Bulgarian and foreign savants including the review on the Plovdiv hoard coins.</p> <p>Studying the Lysimachi bearing the symbol of herma in Plovdiv hoard on the grounds of Fischer-Bossert’ analysis, we cannot definitely accept his assertion that all the coins of Skostokos in this type of deposit are more worn-out than the later Macedonian Alexanders from the time of Gonatаs. The reason for the shabby look of the tetradrachms of Skostokos is to be the very strong corrosion that has damaged the surface of most of them as well as of the majority of coins in the hoard.</p> <p>Precisely the later Macedonian tetradrachms in Plovdiv hoard are dating the concealment of his coins as well as of the part of the Ainos and Skostokos’ Lysimachi. This hoard might have been a reminiscence of some dramatic events Skostokos experienced together with the rest of the citizens from the Northern Aegean and Thracian Chersonesos provoked by the battle near Lysimacheia bringing glory and royal wreath to Antigonus Gonatаs. That is, the interpretation on the silver coinage of Skostokos proposed by K. Dimitrov in the distant 1984 in my view remains acceptable with the proviso that its chronology has to be even earlier. Although ambitiously stated, the reading of F.-Bossert is not enough credible and needs more new arguments apart from the documented dieconnections of this coinage with not a single one royal Lysimachus’ atelier. What is the reason – a technological, political or both of them, is yet to be clarified, only after the Corpus of Lysimachus’ coinage becomes reality.</p> Boryana Russeva ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 1 27 Countermarked coins of the scythian kings in Dobroudja http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/26 <p>Abstract</p> Metodi Manov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 29 47 Монетосеченето на цар Реметалк II http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/28 <p>The author presents historical record of the era concerning published epigraphic texts as well as opinions on the genealogy of the last Thracian<br>kings.</p> <p>The numismatic part of his work discusses the coin types of King Rhoemetalces, known so far to be two in number – in two nominal values struck only of bronze. He also considers a group of coins bearing iconographic features very close to the Rhoemetalces ones. However, because of the legends on the former they cannot be related definitely to him or other king under the name of Rhoemetalces.</p> <p>The coin types and conclusions presented in the work have been grounded on explored single coins and hoards.</p> Svetoslav Yordanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 49 56 Периодът 238-247 г. сл.Хр. като феномен в римското провинциално монетосечене http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/29 <p>The present paper is focused on the remarkable coins depicting on the obverse two face-to-face busts, one of them being a God and the other one – Gordian III or Philip II. An analysis is offered, approaching in detail the temporal and spatial aspects of the issues, which results in asking substantial questions so far left without any attention by the specialists: Why these issues were firstly minted under emperor Gordian III and not earlier? Why these issues happened only in the territory of ancient Thrace which was divided between two different Roman provinces – Moesia inferior and Thracia, and nowhere else throughout the vast Empire? Were the three mints with respective coins for Gordian III issuing strictly simultaneously, or was one of the three an actual forerunner? If a forerunner really existed, who was it: was it Dionysopolis, or probably Marcianopolis, or Odessos? What was the factor which allowed (or made) Mesambria issue obverses with busts of Philip Junior as caesar depicted face-to-face with Sarapis/the Great God, despite being part of the province of Thracia, not of Lower Moesia? What was the common between the mints of Marcianopolis and Tomis which allowed (or made) them produce the obverses with busts of Philip Junior both caesar and caesar aug(ustus), face-to-face with Sarapis/ the Great God? How meaningful is the uniformity of the obverses of the five mints here under discussion? Should we approach this uniformity as just a formal fact, or we are allowed to search for its eventual economic and political aspects? Some of the answers are too speculative, others are not available at all and are still expecting future finds to provide the needed information. An earlier English version of this study is included in the volume “Ex nummis lux“.</p> Dilyana Boteva ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 57 74 Съкровище с монети на градове от Мала азия в колекцията на Националния археологически музей http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/30 <p>In 1980 twenty four bronze coins of towns in various provinces in Asia Minor entered the numismatic collection of the Museum of Archaeology in Sofia registered in the Inventory books as a hoard. There are not any data on their provenance. According to the only information available they were received as a donation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.</p> <p>The coins of towns in Cilicia take the main part in the composition of the hoard coming mostly from its capital town of Tarsus (17 in number). Single coins represent some other towns in Cilicia – Olba, Celeuceia ad Calucadnum, and the colony of Ninica-Claudiopolis, as well as in other provinces in Asia Minor – Caesarea in Cappadocia, Perga in Pamphylia and Nicaea in Bithynia.</p> <p>The earliest coin in the hoard is an autonomous piece of the town of Soli in Cilicia dating from 100 – 30 BC, and latest one was struck during the short reign of Emperor Tacitus (275-276).</p> <p>With the exception of Nicaea’s pieces, the coins of towns in Cilicia, Pamphylia and Cappadocia distant from the Balkan territories of the Roman Empire are not at all characteristic of the coin circulation in Moesia and Thrace. Even less they are found here as hoards. Having in mind the great number of coins of Tarsus in the hoard composition, most probably it has been found in the vicinity of this town. It is well known that the provincial coins circulated in the area of the town they had been minted in as well as over the territory of the province this particular town was located.</p> <p>In the days of Tacitus’ reign (275-276) almost all of the provincial mints ceased their activities. The only ones that continued striking coins were Perga in Pamphylia and Alexandria in Egypt.</p> <p>The social and economical crisis that covered the Roman Empire in the second half of the 3rd c. lead to devaluation of the coins, rising prices, withdrawing the coins from the market and hiding them as treasures. The coins in the hoard here discussed are distinguished by their good preservation and high nominal values; they were concealed after AD 276 as a result of intentional deposit of quality pieces. As a reason for hiding the hoard we can point out to the disarray in Tarsus as well as all over the Empire after Florianus’ death, who succeeded Tacitus for several months, happening in the same town.</p> Miroslava Dotkova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 75 84 Римски монети от проучването на Тримамиум (І-ІІІ век) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/31 <p>During the rescue archaeological excavations on the territory of Trimammium in 2006 – 2009 about 260 sq. m were explored. Structures and traces of habitation from the Roman, Late Roman and Late Antiquity Ages (2nd – 6th c.) were revealed as well as from the period of the First and Second Bulgarian Kingdoms. The purpose of the work here presented is to release the coins from the Roman Age (1st – 3rd c.). They are 204 or 43,58% out of 468 pieces in total found there (fig. 1).</p> <p>The earliest coin is a badly worn out republican denarius from the second half of the 1st ВС (Cat. N 1). So far coins from the 1st c. have not been discovered, and the pieces from the 2nd c. are 10 in number (Cat. NN 2-11) as most of them were in circulation for a long time. Of the remaining pieces, 32 are from the first (Cat. NN 12-43) and 161 are antoninians from the second half of the 3rd c. (78,9% – Cat. NN 44-203). Only 6 coins are silver – four denarii, a drachm and an antoninian (2,9% – Cat. NN 1, 4-5, 11 and 37). The central bronze emissions are six worn out asses/ dupondius (2,9% – Cat. NN 2-3, 6-9). The provincial bronze coins are 31 (15,19%) as 19 of them belong to the fourth and fifth nominal values and the rest – to the first nominal. The mint yards of Nicopolis ad Istrum – 11 pieces (Cat. NN 14, 16-18, 21, 23, 25, 28-29, 33-34); Marcianopolis – 5 pieces (Cat. NN 12-13, 24, 30-31); Viminacium – 2 pieces (Cat. NN 32, 36); Hadrianopolis – 2 pieces (Cat. NN 22, 26); Philippopolis – 1 piece (Cat. N 10) are presented; for 10 coins the mint remains unclear (Cat. NN 15, 19, 20, 27, 38-43).</p> <p>Six of the coins of small denominations arouse interest as they display a low and rounded relief mostly with a sharp gurth. They are cast imitations and belong to the type so-called “limesfalsa” ( Cat. N N 19-20, 3 8-41). The circulation of similar coins in Moesia Inferior is a fact although there are yet a few of them published. For this reason it seems too early to make conclusions concerning their role within the circulation flow over the Bulgarian territories during the Roman Age.</p> <p>The presence of still another type of imitations of antoninians known as <em>barbarous radiate </em>is also of particular interest (Cat. NN 58-60, 64, 89, 92-93, 95-99, 100-104, 193-194 and 196)). So far they have been a subject of vague discussion in Bulgarian bibliography. A coin of this kind has been found during the research in Sexaginta Prista. In Trimammium 20 coins of the type have been discovered as 14 of them come from Pit 4 and one piece – from Pit 5. Most probably they were brought to the fortress by a soldier who belonged or served in the Western Roman provinces.</p> <p>The coin complexes published in Bulgaria are often presented summarized by rulers or periods and without correlation with the stratigraphy and the other artifacts from the particular archaeological site. This circumstance leads to inaccurate conclusions on the dates and phases of habitation of the site.</p> <p>According to the context of their provenance, the Roman coins from Trimammium (2nd – 3rd c.) can be divided into several groups. 96 of them come from certainly proven Roman layers. Out of them only one denarius of Traianus (Cat. N 4) can be related to the time of the earlier Building E its working date being within the limits of the 1st – 2nd c. Another 19 pieces come from and date the layers to the 3rd c. as most of them are from the second half of the century (fig. 3). 76 coins were found in intact complexes. Two of the pits (NN 1-2) cointained one bronze coin each belonging to Septimius Severus (Cat. NN 16-17). Pit N 3 contained five coins dating it to the late 3rd c. (Cat. NN 36, 43, 83, 156, 174). Probably all the three pits had a household functions (Върбанов 2008, 102-118). Pit N 4 produced 39 antoninians from the time of Galienus to Diocletian (Cat. Nn 45-46, 48, 50-51, 58, 62, 64-66, 68-69, 72-73, 79, 81-82, 85-86, 89-90, 92-93, 96-99, 101-104, 107, 120, 125, 132, 153, 159, 187, 199). The upper part of the pit was destroyed by a lime kiln in the Late Antique Age containing 9 coins. Two of them were found just above the Roman pit and probably belong to it (they are close in technical features – Ca. NN 77-78). Pit 5 was damaged by a later pit from the 5th c.; however, its preserved sector contained 11 antoninians from Galienus to Probus (276-282; Cat. NN 47, 49, 91, 100, 111, 123, 128, 142, 158, 163, 172). Still another 19 antoninians from Aliens to Carus were discovered within the soil filling the hypocaust of a building (Cat. NN 54, 71, 75, 115, 117, 119, 124, 130, 138, 145-146, 151-152, 164, 167, 170-171, 177, 179). At this stage of the study the last three coin complexes are interpreted as votive deposits.</p> <p>Still another 42 coins (30 antoninians) were found within the context of buildings and layers from the period of the 4th – 6th c. Most of them got there accidentally, probably in the course of construction and repair works (fig. 4). Another 27 pieces come from intact complexes – pits and a lime kiln. The pit in quadrant 11 is the earliest in date, containing 12 coins from the 3rd c. and 3 – from the early 4th c. (Cat. NN 29, 35, 37, 88, 105, 149, 161-162, 200-203). Another pit was located inside Building A thus marking its temporary abandonment in ca. mid 5th c. Only two of the coins this pit contained are from the 3rd c. (Cat. NN 176, 195). The lime kiln was also inside the Building A marking its repair in the 6th c. and containing 9 coins from the 3rd c. (Cat. Nn 23-24, 31-32, 77-78, 84, 184, 196). Still another 4 pieces were found in the Late Antiquity pits (Cat. NN 15, 147, 190, 204).</p> <p>The Medieval layers and structures produced 32 of the coins in discussion (26 antoninians – fig. 5). Probably they fell there during some digging and construction activities. Only four of them were found in pits (Cat. NN 144, 154, 178, 186).</p> <p>The last to come is a group of seven coins discovered in treasure hunters’ diggings or within the surface layers of the explored area (fig. 5 – Cat. NN 7-8, 18, 44, 121, 150, 191). Probably they got there as a result of works in modern time.</p> Varbin Varbanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 85 116 Четири колективни монетни находки от „Градището“ край Рибен http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/32 <p>The multilayered site of Gradishteto is located in the northwestern surroundings of Riben village (Dolna Mitropolia municipality, Pleven district). Since 2013, regular archaeological excavations are taking place there. The research in 2016 appeared to be especially beneficial providing significant additions and corrections with regard to the general chronology of the site, its stratigraphy and the inner periodization of the cultural layers registered on its territory as well as their function and cultural and historical interpretation. A thorough scientific processing has been accomplished of the multiple coin material from campaign 2016, found largely in a certain archaeological context. The results are of paramount importance for the satisfactory resolution concerning the problems of the chronological periodization.</p> <p>The subject of the work here presented are four hoards as part of the numismatic material. Three of them are dating from the Late Roman Age, and the fourth one – from the time of the Second Bulgarian Kingdom.</p> <p>The first three hoards terminate in emissions of Valentinian I, Valens and Gratianus. All the coins they contain have burned. The stratigraphic observations and the construction analysis of the registered architectural structures carried out in the course of campaign 2016 testify to the existence of two separate phases of habitation of the fortified settlement built there about the mid 4th c. AD. The composition and the condition of the hoards in question coming from different places within the fortified territory convincingly and accurately outline the time and circumstances leading to the end of the first phase. The archaeological realities and the numismatic data unambiguously show that the Late Antiquity settlement near Riben not jus suffered, but even ceased to exist for a certain time during the years of the Second Gothic war of Emperor Valens (376-378).</p> <p>The fourth hoard contains two asprae of Tsar Ivan Alexander with his son Michael Assen. The coins have been found beyond any adequate archaeological context and most probably represent a small share of a hoard its main part discovered in treasure hunters’ diggings within the site limits not too long ago. The concealment of the hoard – among ancient ruins on long since abandoned terrain but close to a road known for centuries and probably still walked in those days, gives us grounds to associate it with the tragic circumstances about the end of the Second Bulgarian Kingdom.</p> Sergey Torbatov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 117 144 Монети от късноримско неукрепено селище в м. Козлука, с. Малко тръново (обект №11 по трасето на АМ „Tракия“, Лот 1) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/33 <p>A significant in amount numismatic complex was registered during the archaeological research of the Late Roman unfortified settlement near Malko Tranovo village. It is dating from the period of the 3rd – late 4th/ early 5th c. The coins reveal the existence of a coin circulation on the territory of the settlement – in the 3rd c. it was limited in size and entering without interruption into a more intensive phase during the reign of the heirs of Constantine I. For certain the circulation continued until the initial years of the 5th c. So far it is difficult to say whether it was renewed in the early 6th c. due to the presence of one only coin of 40 nummi of Justinian I.</p> Bistra Bozhkova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 145 166 Късноантична монетна находка от Горубляне http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/34 <p>In 1966 in Gorublyane a masonry grave was accidentally revealed made of round stones and mortar. A hoard containing 77 bronze coins was found next to arm bones of the skeleton. It entered the depot of Sofia History Museum under Inv. N 2318. Although the hoard has been already considered in some studies, its composition is a bit different from what has been presented in them and contains coins of Emperors Valentinian I (364-375) – 18 pieces, Valens (364-378) – 24 pieces, Gratian (367-383) – 12 pieces, Valentinian II (375-392) – 5 pieces, Theodosius I (379-395) – 10 pieces and Arcadius (383-408) – 5 pieces. The chronological limits of the hoard are 364-388. Its composition is homogeneous with the exception of one coin of Theodosius I belonging to the type of VOT V MVLT X with a nominal value of AE4; the nominal value of all the rest coins is AE3. The coins are in a relatively good condition. The relief of most of them has not been worn out suggesting their short participation in the circulation stream. Most probably they have been left as grave goods soon after minting of the latest coin emissions. The coins in the hoard of Gorublyane were issued by the mint yards in Siscia – 33 pieces, Thessaloniki – 28 pieces, Aquileia – 2 pieces, Heraclea – 1 piece and Cyzicus – 1 piece. The mints in Siscia and Thessaloniki are traditionally well represented by the coins struck during the period of 364 – 388. The coin hoard from Gorublyane appears to be among the largest ones and deposited at the latest in Southwestern Bulgaria. Nevertheless some cases of leaving coins as grave goods even in the 5th c., they are much rarer and predominantly only single pieces. The Christian requirement of burials in modest structures and accompanied by limited if any artifacts was getting tighter which was even more important for the next 6th c.</p> Svetoslava Filipova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 167 182 Нумизматични данни за историята на Сердика през V век http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/35 <p>The history of Serdica in the course of the 5th c. is associated with enemy threats on the part of Huns and Goths, sieges and conquest of the city. In his chronicle the Antique author Priscus the Thracian mentions Serdica three times in connection with the Huns’ invasions; one of them was in 448 and he notes that the town was destroyed. In 466 – 467 the Huns again attacked from the northwest, crossing the Danube River and then today’s Northern Bulgaria to reach Serdica. They were stopped by Anthemius, commander of the Imperial army and the firmly fortified walls of Serdica prevented the enemy from rushing toward the centre of the Empire.</p> <p>Among the great number of coins from the 5th c. found in the course of the archaeological research in recent years the pieces of Emperor Theodosius II (408-450) and Leo I (457-474) prevail including a golden coin of each of them. During campaign 2016 in the northern sector of St. Nedelya Square more than 500 coins from the 4th – 5th c. were discovered. The latest of them belong to Emperor Leo I (457-474) coming from the large building N 1. In the final quarter of the 3rd – early 4th c. the latter underwent serious reconstructions; new walls were built duplicating the beds of demolished earlier walls and others were flattened to the new floor levels in some of the rooms. The floor in the side parts of the large room was raised with a padding of stones and sand, and the whole space was covered with a pavement of slabs nearly rectangular in shape. Probably it was designed as a yard or open space. In parallel with the channel stone chutes for atmospheric waters were running reshaped from cornices. Most of the area of the building was revealed and explored to the floor levels in the rooms from the 5th c. One of the southern rooms contained a layer of destructions and traces of fire, with burnt pottery and sacks with cereals and bean cultures (wheat, rye, peas and lentils). The coins were spread all over the room floor. They are in a poor condition due to the fire. The preserved pieces in the hoard are less than 10% as approximately 15% of them allow partial or complete identification. The rest are highly fragmented. The compromised surface and integrity of the coins makes their identification difficult and in certain cases – almost impossible. Nevertheless, the analysis of these coins provides important information about the history of Serdica in the 5th c.</p> Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 183 190 Имитации на златни монети на император Юстиниан II (685–695, 705–711) от североизточна България http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/36 <p>The numismatic collection of the Museum of Archaeology in Varna houses two copper gilded coin-like lamellae that imitate a type of golden coins of three nominal values (solidus, semis and tremis) of Emperor Justinian II from the rise of his second reign (705-711). Their obverses bear Jesus Christ in a tunic, with a short beard and short curly hair, and a cross behind his head; the reverses display a bust of the emperor with a crown and loros, in his right hand holding a cross upon a base with three steps, and in his left hand – globe with a cross (Pl. 000, fig. 1,2).</p> <p>Both imitations are an-epigraphic and very different in style from the Byzantine originals. Beyond any doubt they have been made outside Byzantium. Their discovery in today’s Northeastern Bulgaria directs the quest for their issuer among the local Bulgarians.</p> <p>Obviously they have been designed as cheap substitutes for expensive coins. Their diameters are the same as of the Justinian’s tremisses (16/17 mm), but their weight is lower compared to them (between 1,30 and 1,40 g). The fact that one of the lamellae is pierced for sewing or hanging associates them to some extent with the brass pendari (golden coins) for female costumes from the 20th c. During t he 7th – 9th c. some full coins and most of the fakes found in the past had such a secondary application among Bulgarians. They served as components of jewels or decorated garments. For that reason we can assume that despite their coin-like appearance they had only a decorative purpose.</p> <p>Still another possibility suggests the Bulgarians have mastered some unfair financial techniques taken from the Byzantines including giving false coins when paying with neighboring peoples – Khazarians, Slavs and Avars. Alternative use of fakes would be misuse in commodity – monetary or interpersonal relations in the Bulgarian society.</p> <p>The least likely is the introduction of Bulgarian imitation coins with a compulsory rate in Bulgaria itself. In case such a measure has been applied it was intended to withdraw to the treasury golden Byzantine coins available in the population.</p> <p>The existence of imitative coins among the Bulgarians in the early 8th c. suggests that back then began the formation and realization of the idea of introducing their own analogues of Byzantine coins.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Igor Lazarenko ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 191 202 Монети от обект „Дворцов център – изток “ в Плиска http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/37 <p>The work presents 47 coins discovered during the period of 2011 – 2014 at the Palace Centre – East site in Pliska. The numismatic collection contains mainly anonymous Byzantine folles: three pieces of class A I (970-976) (Cat. NN 4-6); 26 pieces of class A 2 (976-1030/35) (Cat. NN 7-33); 10 pieces of class B (1030/35-1045) (Cat. NN 36-45); and one piece of class D (1050-1060) (Cat. N 46). Two Roman coins were also found at the site – one of Leo VI (886-912) (Cat. N 3) and a fourré of Basil II (976-1025) (Cat. N 34) as well as an akçe of Selim II (1512-1520) (Cat. N 47). Thirteen of the coins were found inside dug-out structures, and the rest of them appeared within various stratigraphic layers between the residential spaces.</p> <p>The archaeological study of the coins from the Palace Centre – East site involves all planigraphic, stratigraphic and quantitative analysis of the artifacts as well as laboratory analysis of particular coins. The stratigraphic coordination of the coins has allowed us to distinguish three time horizons (fig. 3). The first horizon produced one coin of Leo VI (886-912) (Cat. N 3). The second time horizon begins from the level of the first registration of anonymous Byzantine folles of class A 2. The following chronological limit marks the level of the folles of class B. The upper chronological limit of the site terminates in the anonymous Byzantine folles of class D. The chronological distribution of the various versions of folles class A 2 has been also traced (Pl. 1). Further on some intriguing examples among the coins have been considered. One of them is a cast imitation of a follis class A 2 (Cat. 7). Still another case presents two coins stacked to each other as one of them displays traces of textile (fig. 4).</p> <p>One of the most interesting finds is a fourré (fig. 5), a nomisma – tetarteron of Basil II (976-1025), Constantinople, type F (1005-1025). A</p> <p>chemical – technological study of the metal shows that the coin has been made of a copper-tin core with a silver-tin intermediate layer applied thereto and finally gilded. Sometime later the coin was secondary pierced and probably served as a medallion.</p> <p>The stratigraphic analysis of the coins and their correlation with the cultural layers gives us grounds to clarify the dynamics of accumulation of cultural deposits. It was different. The rate of accumulation of the cultural layer within the earlier horizon was about 2-3 mm per year. Within the second horizon the accumulation was running about 5 mm per year, and within the third horizon – 9 mm per year. Determination of the step of growth of the cultural layers is among the major innovations in the application of the stratigraphic method which extends the possibilities for more precise micro-stratigraphic dating.</p> <p>Data from the surveyed sector confirmes that the regular occurrence of coins in Pliska began in the final third of the 10th c. The appearance of anonymous folles and amphora fragments marks stratigraphically the beginning of the Byzantine presence. We can relate the discovered Roman coins and single Late Antiquity artifacts also to the Byzantine period in Pliska.</p> <p>The cases of badly worn out coins sometimes even damaged, with broken peripheries as well as the overstrucked coins indicate a long-term use of some of the pieces. It refers mainly to the folles of class A 1 and A 2, while the folles of class B and D are much better preserved for perhaps being shortly in circulation. The number of coins coming from the stratigraphic levels from the first half of the 11th c. is the greatest, showing a well expressed peak about 1040s (fig. 6). At the same time we register also a sharp increase in the amount of amphorae. The growth of artifacts is probably due to the massive Pechenegs’ raids during 1030s and 1040s and the concentration of Byzantine military units and administration at that time in Pliska.</p> Valeri Grigorov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 203 218 Част от колективна находка с електронови скифати на византийския император Исак II Aнгел (1185 – 1195), от фонда на НИМ – София http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/38 <p>In 1978 a small hoard containing Byzantine electron scyphati from the 12th c. was found unknown where on the territory of Blagoevgrad region. Quickly it was sold out to collectors of coins in Sofia thus finally it was scattered and the information about it irretrievably lost to science. Only two coins of it were purchased for the depot of the National Museum of History – Sofia. They are electron scyphati of Emperor Isaac II Angelus (1185-1195) belonging to variant A and variant B respectively. The coins entered the main depot of Numismatics and Sphragistics Collection of NMH – Sofia under Inv. NN 1818 and 21209.</p> <p>It is clear that both coins do not bear any traces of abrasion due to a longer participation in coin circulation. This circumstance gives us grounds to suggest they have been buried in the ground soon after they were struck, that is the hoard they belonged to was concealed at a certain moment during the reign of Isaac II Angelus.</p> Vladimir Penchev ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 219 222 Нов тип сребърна монета на император Михаил VIII Палеолог (1258 – 1282)? oт средновековния Шумен http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/39 <p>The coin – subject of the work here presented – was found by a private person in 2016 and right away entered the collection of NHM – Shumen. It came from the landfills in the area of Shumen Fortress accumulated in the course of the archaeological excavations which lasted until 1990s.</p> <p>The coin is struck in silver, flat, measuring 19/ 20 mm in diameter and 1,26 g in weight. A fragment has been broken from its periphery about ¼ of its blank.</p> <p>The emission is definitely Byzantine in style; however, the inquiry in the numismatic bibliography did not show the existence of such a coin type. Although the coin is fragmented, the representations on it are clear enough for to make an attempt to identify it. The legend surviving right of Theotokos also helps relating it categorically to a Palaiologan emission. Who is the emperor from the Palaiologan Dynasty we can associate this coin with?</p> <p>As a matter of fact, the problem with the piece in question comes with its flat design similar to the basilikons but not displaying their iconographic features; on the other hand, the legend right of Theotokos characterizes it as an emission of Michael VIII Palaiologos who did not mint flat coins but only silver scyphati.</p> <p>The numismatic collection of the Hermitage houses a unique silver flat coin which is an exception of the scyphate coinage peculiar of the age of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos. Its obverse bears a representation of Jesus Christ enthroned, and its reverse – a standing figure of the Emperor holding labarum and akakia, and also a legend with his name and title: ΧΜ ΔΕCΠΟΤΗC Ο ΠΑΛΕΟΛΟΓΟC. In contrast to the other silver coins which are scyphati, this one is flat and smaller in size – 19 mm. As its weight is lower compared to the basilikons coming close to scyphati (2,80 g) an opinion has been accepted that it represents a transition type minted at the end of Michael VIII Palaiologos’ reign. Its emission aimed to escape the scyphate form already imposed and to revive the flat design while keeping the same weight (Grierson 1999, 113).</p> <p>The above parallel is the other real opportunity for Shumen coin – to belong to the silver emission of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos from the mentioned transition coinage. The grounds for this assumption lie on the bust representation of Jesus Christ characteristic of the emissions of this emperor as well as the vertically arranged legend also peculiar of them. Only the right half of the legend on our coin has survived and still it seems enough to identify it as an emission of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos. Most probably to the left it should be read: ΧΜ ΔΕCΠ (ΟΤΗC). The new silver Palaiologan coin here discussed comes as a further addition to the varied and yet unknown coinage of this last Byzantine dynasty.</p> Zhenya Zhekova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 223 228 Нов тип златна перпера на византийсктите императори Андроник ІІІ с Йоан V (1339-1341) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/40 <p>The period of the longest reign of Palaiologan Dynasty (1259-1453) seems to be the most complicated and yet poorly presented in the study of the whole history of the Byzantine numismatics. The release of one or another unknown type of silver and mainly copper coins is far beyond surprising but when it comes to an unknown type of perpera, it is not only a surprising but also a pleasant event.</p> <p>Recently we received information accompanied by relevant photos about a very interesting mixed hoard found years ago containing 25 – 30 golden perpera of the Palaiologos and also 30 silver coins of Tsar Ivan Alexander with Michael Assen, Second silver coinage, Tarnovo, from the period of 1332 – 1355. The hoard was found during agricultural work about 3 – 4 km south of Dryanovo town, Gabrovo region, Central Northern Bulgaria, in the foothills of the Balkan, close to the left bank of Dryanovska River. The golden and silver coins were scattered within a diameter of 1 – 2 m. According to the photos of 12 coins, the hoard was composed of perpera of Andronicus II with Michael IX (1294- 1320), Andronicus II with Andronicus III (1320-1341), Andronicus III with Anna of Savoy and Ioannes V Palaiologos (1328-1341) and Ioannes V with Ioannes VI Cantacuzenus (1341-1347). Among them appeared a perpera of a coin type unknown so far. According its formal analysis, it is similar to the numerous perpera of the type of Andronicus II with Andronicus III struck also under the reign of the Emperor – grandson (1328-1341) as a coinage of type immobilise – immovable type issued after the death or abdication of a certain monarch. Their obverse (the concave side) represent kneeling front an old-aged bearded emperor (left) and a younger beardless emperor (right), and Christ above crowning them. A round legend is running around the figure of the elder emperor (left) ΑИΔΡ, and around the younger emperor (right) – a vertical legend Ι Ѡ. The reverses bear the traditional scene of Theotokos Orans between the walls of Constantinople. A double sigla of ΚΛ is written to the left of her, and the character of Α – to the right. They appear very often on the perpera of the later emissions of Andronicus II with Andronicus III mainly of type immobilise struck under Andronicus III. Their weight is 3,25 g, and the size – 25/ 26 mm. The initial characters of both homonyms ΑΝΔΡΟΝΙΚ – Ι ѠΑΝ unambiguously show that this unknown coin emission of perpera was minted under Andronicus III probably at the end of his reign, during the period of 1338 – 1341, when his only son Ioannes was 7 years old (born in 1331). The anniversary of the heir to the throne, about which we have not any definite written data, was celebrated with the due acclamation – rank ceremony as well as with the issue of a special although small coin emission of golden perpera bearing the names of Andronicus III and the future Emperor Ioannes Palaiologos. From the same period (1338-1341) we have to date also the golden perpera in the names Andronicus III with Anna of Savoy and Ioannes V as well as their silver and copper coins.</p> Constantin Dochev ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 229 234 Венециански и дубровнишки монети (XIII-XVIII в.) от фонда на ИМ-Провадия http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/41 <p>The depot of the Museum of History in Provadia houses various kinds of coins that have been involved in the money circulation in the area over the centuries. The goal of the work here presented is to introduce the Venetian and Dubrovnik coins from the Museum depot. They are 12 in total dating from the 13th – 18th c. The Venetian pieces are 6 in number distributed as follows: one Grosch of Doge Reniero Zeno (1253-1268), one Grosch of Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo (1268-1275), one Grosch of Andrea Dandolo (1343-1354), a golden ducat of Antonio Grimani (1521-1523), 10 tornesi (2 ½ soldini) struck in 1611 – 1619 for Candia (Crete Island) and a golden decino of Alvise Mocenigo IV (1763-1778).</p> <p>Although not discovered during regular archaeological excavations, the coins here presented are a valuable source of history of Provadia region. They have been brought over the years by different people and from different places. Thanks to them we can trace, albeit sporadically, the kinds of Venetian and Dubrovnik emissions circulating in the region in the course of a long chronological period of the power of the Bulgarian state from the 13th – to the mid 18th c., when Bulgaria was already three centuries under Ottoman rule. It is well known that during the Ottoman domination there was a Dubrovnik colony in Provadia trading with the lands beyond the Danube. Sure merchants have paid with Dubrovnik and Venetian coins.</p> <p>The future archaeological research in Provadia region as well as the publication of new numismatic material will add extra clarity about the circulation of various Venetian and Dubrovnik coins in this geographical area and over the Bulgarian territories in general.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Nevyan Mitev Dragomir Georgiev ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 235 241 Част от колективна монетна находка от XVI в. от село Горни Дъбник , Плевенско http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/42 <p>In 1996, during excavation works in Gorni Dabnik village they found a leather bad with 30 silver coins (25 Ottoman and 5 Western European ones) that means a mixed hoard. The hoard ranks among the most emblematic ones from the period of the 16th – 17th c. known from the Bulgarian territory under the Ottoman domination. Four of the European coins belong to types that have not yet been documented on the territory of today’s Bulgaria.</p> <p>The earliest Western European coin in the hoard is a Saxon one struck in 1539 in the mint yard of the town of Annaberg during the shared government of Dukes Johann Friedrich I and Heinrich (1539-1541). Its nominal value is half a Guldengroschen. The second coin is Guldiner from 1544 of the free imperial town of Kempten. The third coin is Reichsthaler from the joint coinage of the imperial towns of Deventer, Kempten and Zwolle, struck in 1555 under Emperor Charles V (1519-1556). The fourth European coin is Swiss thaler issued in 1561 by the three oldest Cantons of Uri, Schwitz and Unterwalden. The last European coin belongs to the County of Ostfriesland struck in 1564 under the shared rule of Erhard II and his younger brothers Christoph and Johann (1540-1566). The Ottoman coins in the hoard are 25 in number: one of Sultan Selim I (1512-1520); 6 pieces of Sultan Suleiman I (1520-1566); six pieces of Selim II (1566-1574); and 4 pieces of Murat III (1574-1595) (the remaining 8 coins cannot be identified). The coins were issued only by Balkan mints – Kunstantinie (Istanbul, Turkey), Edirne (Turkey), Novo Brdo (Kosovo), Üsküp (Skopje, FUR of Macedonia), Beograd (Serbia) and Sirus (Serres, Greece).</p> <p>The reason and circumstances of concealing the coins remains unknown. It was probably a matter of personal concern.</p> Krasimir T. Krastev Venko Ivanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 243 256 Кратки бележки за „левантинските“ френски монети, за техните подражания от 50-те и 60-те години на XVII в. и за техния прием в османската империя http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/43 <p>The purpose for writing this paper is the recently released work by Krasimir Krastev – Polish Trojaks and Their Imitations (Полските трояки и техните подражания. Историкии. V. 8. Faber Publishing House 2015, 49-62). After reading it became clear that in the Bulgarian literature there is a serious omission associated with the poor knowledge of some of the very interesting coins circulating over the territories of the Ottoman Empire, Bulgarian lands including, during the second half of the 17th c. – the French coins of 5 sol and their imitations and contemporary counterfeits. Therefore, after the required critical remarks on the work of K. Krastev, the paper presents briefly the problem with these coins – from the launching of their issue in 1641 and the saturation of the Ottoman markets in 1660s and 1670s with them and their imitations and counterfeits till their replacement by the new Ottoman coins in the early 18th c. As a result of the review of dozens of sources from the era – official acts and information of travelers, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle against these incomplete foreign coins was conducted by French financiers in the context of poorly concealed resistance from the Ottoman authorities who tried to keep them in circulation to sustain the country’s economic life as at the same time the local mints had greatly reduced their production.</p> Nikolay Markov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 257 286 Западноевропейски монети от съкровището с. Копиловци, Монтанско http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/44 <p>In 1921 a treasure from Kopilovtsi village, Montana region entered the National Museum of Archaeology in Sofia. It contains silver jewels, appliqués from a bride’s wreath, temple pendants, a necklace, bracelets, rings, buttons and a silver chain with seven thalers. The jewellery is work of Chiprovtsi Goldsmiths’ School from the 17th c. The treasure contains also silver Ottoman and Western European coins from the 16th – 17th c. The latter have been adapted to fit to clothing or jewels as additional decoration. The coins are ten in number coming from various countries – Poland, France, Spain and the Republic of Ragusa.</p> Bissera Tomova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 287 292 Част от колективна находка със сребърни монети на султан Селим ІІІ (1789 – 1807),от фонда на НИМ – София http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/45 <p>The depot of the National Museum of History houses 27 silver coins of high nominal values of the Ottoman Sultan Selim III (1789-1807). They are a Part of a hoard its provenance remaining unknown. The latest of all 27 coins here released is a piece of 2 Groshes (ikilik) struck in the fifteenth year of Selim III’ reign (1803/ 1804). Probably at that time the hoard containing the 27 coins in question had to have been concealed.</p> Vladimir Penchev ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 293 297 Моливдовул на Анастасий, комеркиарий на темата Халдия (IХ в.), намерен в Созопол http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/46 <p>In 2015 an interesting sphragistic piece was found during excavation works in the centre of the old town of Sozopol along the Bulgarian Black Sea coast. It was purchased by the National Museum of History – Sofia. The obverse of the seal bears an evocative monogram, and the reverse – a four-line legend in Greek. In an unfolded form and translated, the legend on both sides of the molybdobulla reads: Lord protect Anastasius Comerciarius of Theme of Chaldia.</p> <p>According to its paleographic features the molybdobulla can be dated from the 9th c. We do not know another seal to have been published in the name of Anastasius Comerciarius of Theme of Chaldia as well as any molybdobulla of a Comerciarius of Theme of Chaldia coming from the territory of today’s Bulgaria.</p> <p>The Theme of Chaldia was located in Asia Minor, along the Eastern coast of the Black Sea. Probably it was established exactly in the 9th c. Its centre was the important port city of Trebizond. Beyond any doubt the Comerciaria of Chaldia was in Trebizond. Probably from that harbour the boat departed to Sozopol transporting goods accompanied by a document attached with the molybdobulla here discussed. Also possibly the seal was hanging on a pack containing goods sealed through it.</p> Vladimir Penchev ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 299 301 Печат на цар Петър от разкопките на обект „Улица“ в Преслав http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/47 <p>Several seals have been found during excavations at Ulitsa Site south of the Patriarchy’s complex in the capital city of Preslav. One of them belongs to Tsar Peter with his wife Maria – Peter and Maria pious Basileis (940s – 950s). The molybdobulla is relating to the most numerous group (88 pieces) of the same monarch. The publication of the seal in question discovered in the course of regular archaeological research is important as only 9% of all pieces known so far come from archaeological excavations; the rest of them in the museum depots in Bulgaria have been acquired through purchases, from auctions, private collections, etc. The great number of Tsar Peter’s seal puts forward many questions and researchers should look for their answers in the home political situation in Bulgaria during the years of his reign.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Zhivko Aladzhov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 303 306 Новооткрит печат от Плиска на византийски стратег на Преслав http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/48 <p>The article aims at giving currency in the scholarly circles to a new Byzantine lead seal found in Pliska in 2016. This lead bulla is 2,5 mm thick, it has a diameter of 22 mm and is preserved in a very good condition. The stamp is of good quality but unfortunately, it has not been well centred and because of this part of the impression and the legend have remained outside the lead core (Plate LX 2.). However, the seal is in a sufficiently good shape and its impression is clear enough to allow to ascertain with certainty that it is a new parallel copy of an already known lead seal of a Byzantine stratēgos of which eight copies have been found and published so far. Seven of these copies come from Preslav and one has been found in the vicinity of Silistra.</p> <p>It is situated on the obverse of this lead bulla, an image of a blossoming doubly intersected patriarchal cross on a pedestal of two steps, inserted into a double granulated circle. The invocation „Κύριε βοήθει τῶ σῶ δούλω“, of which the letters R . Η ΘΙΤωCω have been preserved, is written in the form of a circle round the image. On the reverse of the lead seal, clearly enough can be seen the first four lines of the five-line written inscription: . ΙωR’A’ ǀǀ .. ΑΘ’Κϵ ǀǀ .. ΡΑΤΗ ǀǀ … ϵΡC ǀǀ ….</p> <p>The complete deciphering of the legend is as follows: „+ Κύριε βοήθει τῶ σῶ δούλω ’Ιωάννη βασιλικῶ πρωτοσπαθαρίω καὶ στρατηγῶ Περσκλάβας“, in translation: O, Lord, help your servant John, imperial prōtospatharios and stratēgos of Persklava (i.e. Preslav). The seal is dated back to the first third of the 11th century.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Nikolay Kanev ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 307 310 Бронзов позлатен пръстен-печат на Мануил Критопул (ХІІІ – ХІV в.) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/49 <p>The work presents a gold plated signet – ring of Manouhl Kritopoulos dating from the 13th – 14th c., found in the region of Assenovgrad (fig. 1 a-b). Who is Manouhl Kritopoulos and how his ring has come to Assenovgrad are question to be answered.</p> <p>The name of Manouhl Kritopoulos from the 13th c. is testified in two other sources of information:</p> <p>Four molybdobullae of Manouhl Kritopoulos are known, struck by the same bulleuterion.</p> <p>Their obverses bear Jesus Christ in full-length front over supendium, with a nimbus, a beard and long hair, wearing a chiton and a himation. He is blessing with his right hand and holding the Gospel in his left hand. On both his sides sigla IC – XC.</p> <p>The reverses display an eight-line legend. The text is metric, composed of two verses and is reading in translation: My Christ stamp the writings of Manouhl Kritopoulos your servant to the end.</p> <p>The name of Manouhl Kritopoulos Duke of Chios is mentioned in a document dating from 1293. The question that arises is whether the owner of the ring, the seals and the one mentioned in 1293 are the same person?</p> <p>With whom the owner of the ring from Assenovgrad area can be identified? It seems more acceptable to be the Duke of Chios. However, it is also possible to be another representative of the Kritopoulos family from the 13th – 14th c. Not only because Chios is far away from Assenovgrad but I would hardly associate this not rather valuable ring (made of bronze) with the personality of a duke.</p> <p>The main question of discovering this signet – ring in Assenovgrad area is how to explain its connection with these lands? Whether his owner has stayed longer or shorter where his ring was found?</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Ivan Yordanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 311 316 За живота на един светец и един интересен надгробен паметник от 1478/1479 г. http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/50 <p>The study is dedicated to the Muslim Saint Osman Baba. His cloister (Teke) and his tomb (Türbe) are a place of worship even today in Teketo village, Haskovo region. In Ottoman – Turkish lives, documents, building inscriptions, epitaphs and seals his name appears in three written variants – ‘Osman, A/Ot,man and Otman, as well as it was read in a fourth phonetic version – Odman. There are assumptions that two saints have existed. According to his epitaph, he died in 883 by Hijra or 1478/ 1479 AD. According to his life, compiled 5 years after his death, he left this world on Receb 8th 883 or October 5th 1478 AD, Monday.</p> <p>The author, reading the Lives of Saints Osman Baba and Demir Baba, documents, inscriptions and studies, presents details of his life. Osman Baba visited and stayed in dozens of villages in Bulgaria and passed away in Haskovo area. He communicated with high-ranking state men and spiritual leaders from the age in which he lived. The Saint’s Life contains at least six episodes describing the close relationships and also the conflict situations between Mahmud Pasha and Mehmed II the Conqueror and his family as well as with Osman Baba himself. Mahmud Pasha was the Great Vizier of Mehmed the Conqueror, an young Christian ecclesiastic converted into Islam, probably a son of a priest from Bitola in origin, who built the Grand Mosque (Byuyuk Mosque, Jami-i Kebir) in Sofia. Today the building houses the National Museum of Archaeology. Early epigraphic pieces have not been preserved in the Muslim cloisters in Bulgaria. Only the tombs have survived in the cloisters of Demir Baba near Sveshtari, Kademli Baba near Grafitovo village, Nova Zagora region, and Akyazala Baba near Obrochishte, Balchik region, but the building inscriptions and the epitaphs of the saints have not reached our time or have been taken from our lands during wars. Unlike them, more than 10 inscriptions from the 15th to the 19th c. relating to Osman/ Otman Baba and his cloister have been preserved in the village of Teketo and other villages in the Eastern Rhodopes.</p> <p>In 2006 the author of these lines published the building inscription in Turcized Arabic over the door of the tomb in Teketo village. It is dating from 1507/ 1508 AD when the building was constructed. The inscription is dedicated to A/Otman Baba known as Hyusam Shah. The second line contains written in words eight hundred and thirteenth year by Hijra = May 6th 1410 – April 25th 1411 AD, probably the date of Otman’s death. The work presents also a couple of other monuments.</p> <p>The author describes a site with a monument where Osman Baba stayed for the first time. This site is also known as the place of his death. Further on she points out to some settlements that are supposed to contain a grave or a cloister in honour of the saint.</p> <p>&nbsp;The epitaph of ‘Osman Baba in Middle Turkish language from 1478/ 1479 takes a central position in the study. None of those who have described the Teke for 90 years found there this epitaph on a stone at the head on the grave inside the tomb of Otman Baba where it was set up recently. According to eyewitnesses, there was a polygonal column on the grave in the tomb which is now missing.</p> <p>Only one more tomb stone from the 15th c. is known in Bulgaria, from Slaveykovo village, Varna region, published by N. Panayotov in 2002. It contains a cross and is dating from 1480/ 1481. Besides the Hijra’s scarred year, the tomb stone does not include an Ottoman – Turkish text fit for study and comparison.</p> <p>The author presents also a description of the anthropomorphic tomb stone of Osman Baba from 1478/ 1479 and facsimiles of its broken parts as well as of the whole inscription. There follows the reading of the text in transcription in Latin which has not been published so far, a translation in Bulgarian and a very detailed comment. The detailed paleographic analysis shows that the writing displays the peculiarities of syulyus (sülüs), nesih (naskhi) and talik. The text is partially vocalized and there are some misspellings in it.</p> <p>A thorough linguistic analysis of older words and forms (içre, acun, şol) is also presented, and a special attention is paid to some Sufi terms, phrases and titles (silm, şah, baba, pir, sultan, el alanlar, kutbül arifin). A critical analysis of publications on the same inscription follows. Documental data is also presented on the existence of two cloisters (zaviye) in the 16th c. – one in the name of Osman Baba and another one in the name of Otman Baba accompanied by a list of the dervishes in each register. So it is confirmed that there were at least two monasteries (tekke). The early registers also show a large number of dervishes who have adopted Islam.</p> <p>Further on the author presents two more inscriptions from the tekke of Osman Baba in Teketo village found on two marble anthropomorphic columns from 1586/ 1587 and 1625/ 1626.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Katerina Venedikova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 317 361 Новооткрити надписи и рисунки графити от пещерата на св. Йоан Рилски при с. Гърбино, Кюстендилско http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/51 <p>The rock monastery near Garbino village, Kyustendil region, known as the cave of St. John of Rila drew the attention of scholars early in the 20th c. The interest is associated with the study of data from some lives, local legends and the worship of the cave as a holy place dedicated to St. John of Rila. The interest was not interrupted and was continued at a later time with the discovery of an inscription and drawings on the floor level of the rock niche. The work here presented takes into account the earlier academic publications reviewing and supplementing the text of the inscription mentioned above. According to the reading here proposed, the inscription is as follows: ст‚Ľ §‚ць ·‚wвань да с[п] || асΈ васΈла || § ада. The paleographic peculiarities of the characters give grounds to suggest that the inscription was written about the 16th c. The drawings close to it have not been presented in the work having in mind their joint publication by the researchers.</p> <p>The work aims at introducing two newly found inscriptions from the cave and three new drawings explored in the early spring of 2017. Both inscriptions read:</p> <p>&nbsp;помени и и‚wване || данаилъ а (алъ) and 2. […] ст‚и иwван […] сп.</p> <p>Newly discovered drawings in the rock niche represent a warrior on horseback, a horseman and an anthropomorphic figure. The inscriptions from the cave mention the name of St. Father Yovan (Йован). The comparisons with inscriptions on murals in churches in the vicinity and lives show that the saint mentioned in the inscriptions can be identified with St. John of Rila. The author presents also a reference for the form of the name of Yovan found in some acts from Mount Athos which also points to the time the inscriptions were written. The veneration of the cave through the ages to this day as the cave of St. John of Rila as well as the local legends about his life in the rock monastery reveal the strong tradition and the memory that the holy place bears for the name of the great Bulgarian saint. The newly found inscriptions are proof of this.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Yavor Mitov ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2017-12-29 2017-12-29 13 363 370