Numismatics, Sigillography and Epigraphy / Нумизматика, сфрагистика и епиграфика http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE Numismatics, Sigillography and Epigraphy journal / Списание Нумизматика, сфрагистика и епиграфика en-US editor.nse@naim.bg (Ivan Jordanov) givanov@naim.bg (Georgi Ivanov) Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 OJS 3.1.0.1 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 FELIX ANNIVERSARIA, ПРОФЕСОР ДРАГАНОВ! http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/25 Boryana Russeva ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/25 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Отново за среброто от Пловдивското съкровище (IGCH 869), съхранявано в НАИМ–БАН http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/NSE-13-2017-1-27 <p>The date of Skostokos’ silver coins cannot be considered before the death of Lysimachus precisely because of the composition of Plovdiv hoard – the only known so far hoard of its kind containing this type and kind of coins. It was published by T. Gerassimov (Герасимов 1942, 93-106, pl. 1-3) and republished by K. Dimitrov (Димитров 1984, 57-81). Its subsequent interpretation here is due to a work recently issued by Fischer-Bossert (Fischer-Bossert 2005, 49-74, pl. 3-8) as the author radically changes the reading of the so called Skostokos – Lysimachus’ type of silver tetradrachms known from the studies of Bulgarian and foreign savants including the review on the Plovdiv hoard coins.</p> <p>Studying the Lysimachi bearing the symbol of herma in Plovdiv hoard on the grounds of Fischer-Bossert’ analysis, we cannot definitely accept his assertion that all the coins of Skostokos in this type of deposit are more worn-out than the later Macedonian Alexanders from the time of Gonatаs. The reason for the shabby look of the tetradrachms of Skostokos is to be the very strong corrosion that has damaged the surface of most of them as well as of the majority of coins in the hoard.</p> <p>Precisely the later Macedonian tetradrachms in Plovdiv hoard are dating the concealment of his coins as well as of the part of the Ainos and Skostokos’ Lysimachi. This hoard might have been a reminiscence of some dramatic events Skostokos experienced together with the rest of the citizens from the Northern Aegean and Thracian Chersonesos provoked by the battle near Lysimacheia bringing glory and royal wreath to Antigonus Gonatаs. That is, the interpretation on the silver coinage of Skostokos proposed by K. Dimitrov in the distant 1984 in my view remains acceptable with the proviso that its chronology has to be even earlier. Although ambitiously stated, the reading of F.-Bossert is not enough credible and needs more new arguments apart from the documented dieconnections of this coinage with not a single one royal Lysimachus’ atelier. What is the reason – a technological, political or both of them, is yet to be clarified, only after the Corpus of Lysimachus’ coinage becomes reality.</p> Boryana Russeva ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/NSE-13-2017-1-27 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Countermarked coins of the scythian kings in Dobroudja http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/26 <p>Abstract</p> Metodi Manov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/26 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Монетосеченето на цар Реметалк II http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/28 <p>The author presents historical record of the era concerning published epigraphic texts as well as opinions on the genealogy of the last Thracian<br>kings.</p> <p>The numismatic part of his work discusses the coin types of King Rhoemetalces, known so far to be two in number – in two nominal values struck only of bronze. He also considers a group of coins bearing iconographic features very close to the Rhoemetalces ones. However, because of the legends on the former they cannot be related definitely to him or other king under the name of Rhoemetalces.</p> <p>The coin types and conclusions presented in the work have been grounded on explored single coins and hoards.</p> Svetoslav Yordanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/28 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Периодът 238-247 г. сл.Хр. като феномен в римското провинциално монетосечене http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/29 <p>The present paper is focused on the remarkable coins depicting on the obverse two face-to-face busts, one of them being a God and the other one – Gordian III or Philip II. An analysis is offered, approaching in detail the temporal and spatial aspects of the issues, which results in asking substantial questions so far left without any attention by the specialists: Why these issues were firstly minted under emperor Gordian III and not earlier? Why these issues happened only in the territory of ancient Thrace which was divided between two different Roman provinces – Moesia inferior and Thracia, and nowhere else throughout the vast Empire? Were the three mints with respective coins for Gordian III issuing strictly simultaneously, or was one of the three an actual forerunner? If a forerunner really existed, who was it: was it Dionysopolis, or probably Marcianopolis, or Odessos? What was the factor which allowed (or made) Mesambria issue obverses with busts of Philip Junior as caesar depicted face-to-face with Sarapis/the Great God, despite being part of the province of Thracia, not of Lower Moesia? What was the common between the mints of Marcianopolis and Tomis which allowed (or made) them produce the obverses with busts of Philip Junior both caesar and caesar aug(ustus), face-to-face with Sarapis/ the Great God? How meaningful is the uniformity of the obverses of the five mints here under discussion? Should we approach this uniformity as just a formal fact, or we are allowed to search for its eventual economic and political aspects? Some of the answers are too speculative, others are not available at all and are still expecting future finds to provide the needed information. An earlier English version of this study is included in the volume “Ex nummis lux“.</p> Dilyana Boteva ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/29 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Съкровище с монети на градове от Мала азия в колекцията на Националния археологически музей http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/30 <p>In 1980 twenty four bronze coins of towns in various provinces in Asia Minor entered the numismatic collection of the Museum of Archaeology in Sofia registered in the Inventory books as a hoard. There are not any data on their provenance. According to the only information available they were received as a donation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.</p> <p>The coins of towns in Cilicia take the main part in the composition of the hoard coming mostly from its capital town of Tarsus (17 in number). Single coins represent some other towns in Cilicia – Olba, Celeuceia ad Calucadnum, and the colony of Ninica-Claudiopolis, as well as in other provinces in Asia Minor – Caesarea in Cappadocia, Perga in Pamphylia and Nicaea in Bithynia.</p> <p>The earliest coin in the hoard is an autonomous piece of the town of Soli in Cilicia dating from 100 – 30 BC, and latest one was struck during the short reign of Emperor Tacitus (275-276).</p> <p>With the exception of Nicaea’s pieces, the coins of towns in Cilicia, Pamphylia and Cappadocia distant from the Balkan territories of the Roman Empire are not at all characteristic of the coin circulation in Moesia and Thrace. Even less they are found here as hoards. Having in mind the great number of coins of Tarsus in the hoard composition, most probably it has been found in the vicinity of this town. It is well known that the provincial coins circulated in the area of the town they had been minted in as well as over the territory of the province this particular town was located.</p> <p>In the days of Tacitus’ reign (275-276) almost all of the provincial mints ceased their activities. The only ones that continued striking coins were Perga in Pamphylia and Alexandria in Egypt.</p> <p>The social and economical crisis that covered the Roman Empire in the second half of the 3rd c. lead to devaluation of the coins, rising prices, withdrawing the coins from the market and hiding them as treasures. The coins in the hoard here discussed are distinguished by their good preservation and high nominal values; they were concealed after AD 276 as a result of intentional deposit of quality pieces. As a reason for hiding the hoard we can point out to the disarray in Tarsus as well as all over the Empire after Florianus’ death, who succeeded Tacitus for several months, happening in the same town.</p> Miroslava Dotkova ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/30 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Римски монети от проучването на Тримамиум (І-ІІІ век) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/31 <p>During the rescue archaeological excavations on the territory of Trimammium in 2006 – 2009 about 260 sq. m were explored. Structures and traces of habitation from the Roman, Late Roman and Late Antiquity Ages (2nd – 6th c.) were revealed as well as from the period of the First and Second Bulgarian Kingdoms. The purpose of the work here presented is to release the coins from the Roman Age (1st – 3rd c.). They are 204 or 43,58% out of 468 pieces in total found there (fig. 1).</p> <p>The earliest coin is a badly worn out republican denarius from the second half of the 1st ВС (Cat. N 1). So far coins from the 1st c. have not been discovered, and the pieces from the 2nd c. are 10 in number (Cat. NN 2-11) as most of them were in circulation for a long time. Of the remaining pieces, 32 are from the first (Cat. NN 12-43) and 161 are antoninians from the second half of the 3rd c. (78,9% – Cat. NN 44-203). Only 6 coins are silver – four denarii, a drachm and an antoninian (2,9% – Cat. NN 1, 4-5, 11 and 37). The central bronze emissions are six worn out asses/ dupondius (2,9% – Cat. NN 2-3, 6-9). The provincial bronze coins are 31 (15,19%) as 19 of them belong to the fourth and fifth nominal values and the rest – to the first nominal. The mint yards of Nicopolis ad Istrum – 11 pieces (Cat. NN 14, 16-18, 21, 23, 25, 28-29, 33-34); Marcianopolis – 5 pieces (Cat. NN 12-13, 24, 30-31); Viminacium – 2 pieces (Cat. NN 32, 36); Hadrianopolis – 2 pieces (Cat. NN 22, 26); Philippopolis – 1 piece (Cat. N 10) are presented; for 10 coins the mint remains unclear (Cat. NN 15, 19, 20, 27, 38-43).</p> <p>Six of the coins of small denominations arouse interest as they display a low and rounded relief mostly with a sharp gurth. They are cast imitations and belong to the type so-called “limesfalsa” ( Cat. N N 19-20, 3 8-41). The circulation of similar coins in Moesia Inferior is a fact although there are yet a few of them published. For this reason it seems too early to make conclusions concerning their role within the circulation flow over the Bulgarian territories during the Roman Age.</p> <p>The presence of still another type of imitations of antoninians known as <em>barbarous radiate </em>is also of particular interest (Cat. NN 58-60, 64, 89, 92-93, 95-99, 100-104, 193-194 and 196)). So far they have been a subject of vague discussion in Bulgarian bibliography. A coin of this kind has been found during the research in Sexaginta Prista. In Trimammium 20 coins of the type have been discovered as 14 of them come from Pit 4 and one piece – from Pit 5. Most probably they were brought to the fortress by a soldier who belonged or served in the Western Roman provinces.</p> <p>The coin complexes published in Bulgaria are often presented summarized by rulers or periods and without correlation with the stratigraphy and the other artifacts from the particular archaeological site. This circumstance leads to inaccurate conclusions on the dates and phases of habitation of the site.</p> <p>According to the context of their provenance, the Roman coins from Trimammium (2nd – 3rd c.) can be divided into several groups. 96 of them come from certainly proven Roman layers. Out of them only one denarius of Traianus (Cat. N 4) can be related to the time of the earlier Building E its working date being within the limits of the 1st – 2nd c. Another 19 pieces come from and date the layers to the 3rd c. as most of them are from the second half of the century (fig. 3). 76 coins were found in intact complexes. Two of the pits (NN 1-2) cointained one bronze coin each belonging to Septimius Severus (Cat. NN 16-17). Pit N 3 contained five coins dating it to the late 3rd c. (Cat. NN 36, 43, 83, 156, 174). Probably all the three pits had a household functions (Върбанов 2008, 102-118). Pit N 4 produced 39 antoninians from the time of Galienus to Diocletian (Cat. Nn 45-46, 48, 50-51, 58, 62, 64-66, 68-69, 72-73, 79, 81-82, 85-86, 89-90, 92-93, 96-99, 101-104, 107, 120, 125, 132, 153, 159, 187, 199). The upper part of the pit was destroyed by a lime kiln in the Late Antique Age containing 9 coins. Two of them were found just above the Roman pit and probably belong to it (they are close in technical features – Ca. NN 77-78). Pit 5 was damaged by a later pit from the 5th c.; however, its preserved sector contained 11 antoninians from Galienus to Probus (276-282; Cat. NN 47, 49, 91, 100, 111, 123, 128, 142, 158, 163, 172). Still another 19 antoninians from Aliens to Carus were discovered within the soil filling the hypocaust of a building (Cat. NN 54, 71, 75, 115, 117, 119, 124, 130, 138, 145-146, 151-152, 164, 167, 170-171, 177, 179). At this stage of the study the last three coin complexes are interpreted as votive deposits.</p> <p>Still another 42 coins (30 antoninians) were found within the context of buildings and layers from the period of the 4th – 6th c. Most of them got there accidentally, probably in the course of construction and repair works (fig. 4). Another 27 pieces come from intact complexes – pits and a lime kiln. The pit in quadrant 11 is the earliest in date, containing 12 coins from the 3rd c. and 3 – from the early 4th c. (Cat. NN 29, 35, 37, 88, 105, 149, 161-162, 200-203). Another pit was located inside Building A thus marking its temporary abandonment in ca. mid 5th c. Only two of the coins this pit contained are from the 3rd c. (Cat. NN 176, 195). The lime kiln was also inside the Building A marking its repair in the 6th c. and containing 9 coins from the 3rd c. (Cat. Nn 23-24, 31-32, 77-78, 84, 184, 196). Still another 4 pieces were found in the Late Antiquity pits (Cat. NN 15, 147, 190, 204).</p> <p>The Medieval layers and structures produced 32 of the coins in discussion (26 antoninians – fig. 5). Probably they fell there during some digging and construction activities. Only four of them were found in pits (Cat. NN 144, 154, 178, 186).</p> <p>The last to come is a group of seven coins discovered in treasure hunters’ diggings or within the surface layers of the explored area (fig. 5 – Cat. NN 7-8, 18, 44, 121, 150, 191). Probably they got there as a result of works in modern time.</p> Varbin Varbanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/31 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Четири колективни монетни находки от „Градището“ край Рибен http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/32 <p>The multilayered site of Gradishteto is located in the northwestern surroundings of Riben village (Dolna Mitropolia municipality, Pleven district). Since 2013, regular archaeological excavations are taking place there. The research in 2016 appeared to be especially beneficial providing significant additions and corrections with regard to the general chronology of the site, its stratigraphy and the inner periodization of the cultural layers registered on its territory as well as their function and cultural and historical interpretation. A thorough scientific processing has been accomplished of the multiple coin material from campaign 2016, found largely in a certain archaeological context. The results are of paramount importance for the satisfactory resolution concerning the problems of the chronological periodization.</p> <p>The subject of the work here presented are four hoards as part of the numismatic material. Three of them are dating from the Late Roman Age, and the fourth one – from the time of the Second Bulgarian Kingdom.</p> <p>The first three hoards terminate in emissions of Valentinian I, Valens and Gratianus. All the coins they contain have burned. The stratigraphic observations and the construction analysis of the registered architectural structures carried out in the course of campaign 2016 testify to the existence of two separate phases of habitation of the fortified settlement built there about the mid 4th c. AD. The composition and the condition of the hoards in question coming from different places within the fortified territory convincingly and accurately outline the time and circumstances leading to the end of the first phase. The archaeological realities and the numismatic data unambiguously show that the Late Antiquity settlement near Riben not jus suffered, but even ceased to exist for a certain time during the years of the Second Gothic war of Emperor Valens (376-378).</p> <p>The fourth hoard contains two asprae of Tsar Ivan Alexander with his son Michael Assen. The coins have been found beyond any adequate archaeological context and most probably represent a small share of a hoard its main part discovered in treasure hunters’ diggings within the site limits not too long ago. The concealment of the hoard – among ancient ruins on long since abandoned terrain but close to a road known for centuries and probably still walked in those days, gives us grounds to associate it with the tragic circumstances about the end of the Second Bulgarian Kingdom.</p> Sergey Torbatov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/32 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Монети от късноримско неукрепено селище в м. Козлука, с. Малко тръново (обект №11 по трасето на АМ „Tракия“, Лот 1) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/33 <p>A significant in amount numismatic complex was registered during the archaeological research of the Late Roman unfortified settlement near Malko Tranovo village. It is dating from the period of the 3rd – late 4th/ early 5th c. The coins reveal the existence of a coin circulation on the territory of the settlement – in the 3rd c. it was limited in size and entering without interruption into a more intensive phase during the reign of the heirs of Constantine I. For certain the circulation continued until the initial years of the 5th c. So far it is difficult to say whether it was renewed in the early 6th c. due to the presence of one only coin of 40 nummi of Justinian I.</p> Bistra Bozhkova ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/33 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Късноантична монетна находка от Горубляне http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/34 <p>In 1966 in Gorublyane a masonry grave was accidentally revealed made of round stones and mortar. A hoard containing 77 bronze coins was found next to arm bones of the skeleton. It entered the depot of Sofia History Museum under Inv. N 2318. Although the hoard has been already considered in some studies, its composition is a bit different from what has been presented in them and contains coins of Emperors Valentinian I (364-375) – 18 pieces, Valens (364-378) – 24 pieces, Gratian (367-383) – 12 pieces, Valentinian II (375-392) – 5 pieces, Theodosius I (379-395) – 10 pieces and Arcadius (383-408) – 5 pieces. The chronological limits of the hoard are 364-388. Its composition is homogeneous with the exception of one coin of Theodosius I belonging to the type of VOT V MVLT X with a nominal value of AE4; the nominal value of all the rest coins is AE3. The coins are in a relatively good condition. The relief of most of them has not been worn out suggesting their short participation in the circulation stream. Most probably they have been left as grave goods soon after minting of the latest coin emissions. The coins in the hoard of Gorublyane were issued by the mint yards in Siscia – 33 pieces, Thessaloniki – 28 pieces, Aquileia – 2 pieces, Heraclea – 1 piece and Cyzicus – 1 piece. The mints in Siscia and Thessaloniki are traditionally well represented by the coins struck during the period of 364 – 388. The coin hoard from Gorublyane appears to be among the largest ones and deposited at the latest in Southwestern Bulgaria. Nevertheless some cases of leaving coins as grave goods even in the 5th c., they are much rarer and predominantly only single pieces. The Christian requirement of burials in modest structures and accompanied by limited if any artifacts was getting tighter which was even more important for the next 6th c.</p> Svetoslava Filipova ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/34 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Нумизматични данни за историята на Сердика през V век http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/35 <p>The history of Serdica in the course of the 5th c. is associated with enemy threats on the part of Huns and Goths, sieges and conquest of the city. In his chronicle the Antique author Priscus the Thracian mentions Serdica three times in connection with the Huns’ invasions; one of them was in 448 and he notes that the town was destroyed. In 466 – 467 the Huns again attacked from the northwest, crossing the Danube River and then today’s Northern Bulgaria to reach Serdica. They were stopped by Anthemius, commander of the Imperial army and the firmly fortified walls of Serdica prevented the enemy from rushing toward the centre of the Empire.</p> <p>Among the great number of coins from the 5th c. found in the course of the archaeological research in recent years the pieces of Emperor Theodosius II (408-450) and Leo I (457-474) prevail including a golden coin of each of them. During campaign 2016 in the northern sector of St. Nedelya Square more than 500 coins from the 4th – 5th c. were discovered. The latest of them belong to Emperor Leo I (457-474) coming from the large building N 1. In the final quarter of the 3rd – early 4th c. the latter underwent serious reconstructions; new walls were built duplicating the beds of demolished earlier walls and others were flattened to the new floor levels in some of the rooms. The floor in the side parts of the large room was raised with a padding of stones and sand, and the whole space was covered with a pavement of slabs nearly rectangular in shape. Probably it was designed as a yard or open space. In parallel with the channel stone chutes for atmospheric waters were running reshaped from cornices. Most of the area of the building was revealed and explored to the floor levels in the rooms from the 5th c. One of the southern rooms contained a layer of destructions and traces of fire, with burnt pottery and sacks with cereals and bean cultures (wheat, rye, peas and lentils). The coins were spread all over the room floor. They are in a poor condition due to the fire. The preserved pieces in the hoard are less than 10% as approximately 15% of them allow partial or complete identification. The rest are highly fragmented. The compromised surface and integrity of the coins makes their identification difficult and in certain cases – almost impossible. Nevertheless, the analysis of these coins provides important information about the history of Serdica in the 5th c.</p> Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/35 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Имитации на златни монети на император Юстиниан II (685–695, 705–711) от североизточна България http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/36 <p>The numismatic collection of the Museum of Archaeology in Varna houses two copper gilded coin-like lamellae that imitate a type of golden coins of three nominal values (solidus, semis and tremis) of Emperor Justinian II from the rise of his second reign (705-711). Their obverses bear Jesus Christ in a tunic, with a short beard and short curly hair, and a cross behind his head; the reverses display a bust of the emperor with a crown and loros, in his right hand holding a cross upon a base with three steps, and in his left hand – globe with a cross (Pl. 000, fig. 1,2).</p> <p>Both imitations are an-epigraphic and very different in style from the Byzantine originals. Beyond any doubt they have been made outside Byzantium. Their discovery in today’s Northeastern Bulgaria directs the quest for their issuer among the local Bulgarians.</p> <p>Obviously they have been designed as cheap substitutes for expensive coins. Their diameters are the same as of the Justinian’s tremisses (16/17 mm), but their weight is lower compared to them (between 1,30 and 1,40 g). The fact that one of the lamellae is pierced for sewing or hanging associates them to some extent with the brass pendari (golden coins) for female costumes from the 20th c. During t he 7th – 9th c. some full coins and most of the fakes found in the past had such a secondary application among Bulgarians. They served as components of jewels or decorated garments. For that reason we can assume that despite their coin-like appearance they had only a decorative purpose.</p> <p>Still another possibility suggests the Bulgarians have mastered some unfair financial techniques taken from the Byzantines including giving false coins when paying with neighboring peoples – Khazarians, Slavs and Avars. Alternative use of fakes would be misuse in commodity – monetary or interpersonal relations in the Bulgarian society.</p> <p>The least likely is the introduction of Bulgarian imitation coins with a compulsory rate in Bulgaria itself. In case such a measure has been applied it was intended to withdraw to the treasury golden Byzantine coins available in the population.</p> <p>The existence of imitative coins among the Bulgarians in the early 8th c. suggests that back then began the formation and realization of the idea of introducing their own analogues of Byzantine coins.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Igor Lazarenko ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/36 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Монети от обект „Дворцов център – изток “ в Плиска http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/37 <p>The work presents 47 coins discovered during the period of 2011 – 2014 at the Palace Centre – East site in Pliska. The numismatic collection contains mainly anonymous Byzantine folles: three pieces of class A I (970-976) (Cat. NN 4-6); 26 pieces of class A 2 (976-1030/35) (Cat. NN 7-33); 10 pieces of class B (1030/35-1045) (Cat. NN 36-45); and one piece of class D (1050-1060) (Cat. N 46). Two Roman coins were also found at the site – one of Leo VI (886-912) (Cat. N 3) and a fourré of Basil II (976-1025) (Cat. N 34) as well as an akçe of Selim II (1512-1520) (Cat. N 47). Thirteen of the coins were found inside dug-out structures, and the rest of them appeared within various stratigraphic layers between the residential spaces.</p> <p>The archaeological study of the coins from the Palace Centre – East site involves all planigraphic, stratigraphic and quantitative analysis of the artifacts as well as laboratory analysis of particular coins. The stratigraphic coordination of the coins has allowed us to distinguish three time horizons (fig. 3). The first horizon produced one coin of Leo VI (886-912) (Cat. N 3). The second time horizon begins from the level of the first registration of anonymous Byzantine folles of class A 2. The following chronological limit marks the level of the folles of class B. The upper chronological limit of the site terminates in the anonymous Byzantine folles of class D. The chronological distribution of the various versions of folles class A 2 has been also traced (Pl. 1). Further on some intriguing examples among the coins have been considered. One of them is a cast imitation of a follis class A 2 (Cat. 7). Still another case presents two coins stacked to each other as one of them displays traces of textile (fig. 4).</p> <p>One of the most interesting finds is a fourré (fig. 5), a nomisma – tetarteron of Basil II (976-1025), Constantinople, type F (1005-1025). A</p> <p>chemical – technological study of the metal shows that the coin has been made of a copper-tin core with a silver-tin intermediate layer applied thereto and finally gilded. Sometime later the coin was secondary pierced and probably served as a medallion.</p> <p>The stratigraphic analysis of the coins and their correlation with the cultural layers gives us grounds to clarify the dynamics of accumulation of cultural deposits. It was different. The rate of accumulation of the cultural layer within the earlier horizon was about 2-3 mm per year. Within the second horizon the accumulation was running about 5 mm per year, and within the third horizon – 9 mm per year. Determination of the step of growth of the cultural layers is among the major innovations in the application of the stratigraphic method which extends the possibilities for more precise micro-stratigraphic dating.</p> <p>Data from the surveyed sector confirmes that the regular occurrence of coins in Pliska began in the final third of the 10th c. The appearance of anonymous folles and amphora fragments marks stratigraphically the beginning of the Byzantine presence. We can relate the discovered Roman coins and single Late Antiquity artifacts also to the Byzantine period in Pliska.</p> <p>The cases of badly worn out coins sometimes even damaged, with broken peripheries as well as the overstrucked coins indicate a long-term use of some of the pieces. It refers mainly to the folles of class A 1 and A 2, while the folles of class B and D are much better preserved for perhaps being shortly in circulation. The number of coins coming from the stratigraphic levels from the first half of the 11th c. is the greatest, showing a well expressed peak about 1040s (fig. 6). At the same time we register also a sharp increase in the amount of amphorae. The growth of artifacts is probably due to the massive Pechenegs’ raids during 1030s and 1040s and the concentration of Byzantine military units and administration at that time in Pliska.</p> Valeri Grigorov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/37 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Част от колективна находка с електронови скифати на византийския император Исак II Aнгел (1185 – 1195), от фонда на НИМ – София http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/38 <p>In 1978 a small hoard containing Byzantine electron scyphati from the 12th c. was found unknown where on the territory of Blagoevgrad region. Quickly it was sold out to collectors of coins in Sofia thus finally it was scattered and the information about it irretrievably lost to science. Only two coins of it were purchased for the depot of the National Museum of History – Sofia. They are electron scyphati of Emperor Isaac II Angelus (1185-1195) belonging to variant A and variant B respectively. The coins entered the main depot of Numismatics and Sphragistics Collection of NMH – Sofia under Inv. NN 1818 and 21209.</p> <p>It is clear that both coins do not bear any traces of abrasion due to a longer participation in coin circulation. This circumstance gives us grounds to suggest they have been buried in the ground soon after they were struck, that is the hoard they belonged to was concealed at a certain moment during the reign of Isaac II Angelus.</p> Vladimir Penchev ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/38 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Нов тип сребърна монета на император Михаил VIII Палеолог (1258 – 1282)? oт средновековния Шумен http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/39 <p>The coin – subject of the work here presented – was found by a private person in 2016 and right away entered the collection of NHM – Shumen. It came from the landfills in the area of Shumen Fortress accumulated in the course of the archaeological excavations which lasted until 1990s.</p> <p>The coin is struck in silver, flat, measuring 19/ 20 mm in diameter and 1,26 g in weight. A fragment has been broken from its periphery about ¼ of its blank.</p> <p>The emission is definitely Byzantine in style; however, the inquiry in the numismatic bibliography did not show the existence of such a coin type. Although the coin is fragmented, the representations on it are clear enough for to make an attempt to identify it. The legend surviving right of Theotokos also helps relating it categorically to a Palaiologan emission. Who is the emperor from the Palaiologan Dynasty we can associate this coin with?</p> <p>As a matter of fact, the problem with the piece in question comes with its flat design similar to the basilikons but not displaying their iconographic features; on the other hand, the legend right of Theotokos characterizes it as an emission of Michael VIII Palaiologos who did not mint flat coins but only silver scyphati.</p> <p>The numismatic collection of the Hermitage houses a unique silver flat coin which is an exception of the scyphate coinage peculiar of the age of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos. Its obverse bears a representation of Jesus Christ enthroned, and its reverse – a standing figure of the Emperor holding labarum and akakia, and also a legend with his name and title: ΧΜ ΔΕCΠΟΤΗC Ο ΠΑΛΕΟΛΟΓΟC. In contrast to the other silver coins which are scyphati, this one is flat and smaller in size – 19 mm. As its weight is lower compared to the basilikons coming close to scyphati (2,80 g) an opinion has been accepted that it represents a transition type minted at the end of Michael VIII Palaiologos’ reign. Its emission aimed to escape the scyphate form already imposed and to revive the flat design while keeping the same weight (Grierson 1999, 113).</p> <p>The above parallel is the other real opportunity for Shumen coin – to belong to the silver emission of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos from the mentioned transition coinage. The grounds for this assumption lie on the bust representation of Jesus Christ characteristic of the emissions of this emperor as well as the vertically arranged legend also peculiar of them. Only the right half of the legend on our coin has survived and still it seems enough to identify it as an emission of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos. Most probably to the left it should be read: ΧΜ ΔΕCΠ (ΟΤΗC). The new silver Palaiologan coin here discussed comes as a further addition to the varied and yet unknown coinage of this last Byzantine dynasty.</p> Zhenya Zhekova ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/39 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Нов тип златна перпера на византийсктите императори Андроник ІІІ с Йоан V (1339-1341) http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/40 <p>The period of the longest reign of Palaiologan Dynasty (1259-1453) seems to be the most complicated and yet poorly presented in the study of the whole history of the Byzantine numismatics. The release of one or another unknown type of silver and mainly copper coins is far beyond surprising but when it comes to an unknown type of perpera, it is not only a surprising but also a pleasant event.</p> <p>Recently we received information accompanied by relevant photos about a very interesting mixed hoard found years ago containing 25 – 30 golden perpera of the Palaiologos and also 30 silver coins of Tsar Ivan Alexander with Michael Assen, Second silver coinage, Tarnovo, from the period of 1332 – 1355. The hoard was found during agricultural work about 3 – 4 km south of Dryanovo town, Gabrovo region, Central Northern Bulgaria, in the foothills of the Balkan, close to the left bank of Dryanovska River. The golden and silver coins were scattered within a diameter of 1 – 2 m. According to the photos of 12 coins, the hoard was composed of perpera of Andronicus II with Michael IX (1294- 1320), Andronicus II with Andronicus III (1320-1341), Andronicus III with Anna of Savoy and Ioannes V Palaiologos (1328-1341) and Ioannes V with Ioannes VI Cantacuzenus (1341-1347). Among them appeared a perpera of a coin type unknown so far. According its formal analysis, it is similar to the numerous perpera of the type of Andronicus II with Andronicus III struck also under the reign of the Emperor – grandson (1328-1341) as a coinage of type immobilise – immovable type issued after the death or abdication of a certain monarch. Their obverse (the concave side) represent kneeling front an old-aged bearded emperor (left) and a younger beardless emperor (right), and Christ above crowning them. A round legend is running around the figure of the elder emperor (left) ΑИΔΡ, and around the younger emperor (right) – a vertical legend Ι Ѡ. The reverses bear the traditional scene of Theotokos Orans between the walls of Constantinople. A double sigla of ΚΛ is written to the left of her, and the character of Α – to the right. They appear very often on the perpera of the later emissions of Andronicus II with Andronicus III mainly of type immobilise struck under Andronicus III. Their weight is 3,25 g, and the size – 25/ 26 mm. The initial characters of both homonyms ΑΝΔΡΟΝΙΚ – Ι ѠΑΝ unambiguously show that this unknown coin emission of perpera was minted under Andronicus III probably at the end of his reign, during the period of 1338 – 1341, when his only son Ioannes was 7 years old (born in 1331). The anniversary of the heir to the throne, about which we have not any definite written data, was celebrated with the due acclamation – rank ceremony as well as with the issue of a special although small coin emission of golden perpera bearing the names of Andronicus III and the future Emperor Ioannes Palaiologos. From the same period (1338-1341) we have to date also the golden perpera in the names Andronicus III with Anna of Savoy and Ioannes V as well as their silver and copper coins.</p> Constantin Dochev ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/40 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Венециански и дубровнишки монети (XIII-XVIII в.) от фонда на ИМ-Провадия http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/41 <p>The depot of the Museum of History in Provadia houses various kinds of coins that have been involved in the money circulation in the area over the centuries. The goal of the work here presented is to introduce the Venetian and Dubrovnik coins from the Museum depot. They are 12 in total dating from the 13th – 18th c. The Venetian pieces are 6 in number distributed as follows: one Grosch of Doge Reniero Zeno (1253-1268), one Grosch of Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo (1268-1275), one Grosch of Andrea Dandolo (1343-1354), a golden ducat of Antonio Grimani (1521-1523), 10 tornesi (2 ½ soldini) struck in 1611 – 1619 for Candia (Crete Island) and a golden decino of Alvise Mocenigo IV (1763-1778).</p> <p>Although not discovered during regular archaeological excavations, the coins here presented are a valuable source of history of Provadia region. They have been brought over the years by different people and from different places. Thanks to them we can trace, albeit sporadically, the kinds of Venetian and Dubrovnik emissions circulating in the region in the course of a long chronological period of the power of the Bulgarian state from the 13th – to the mid 18th c., when Bulgaria was already three centuries under Ottoman rule. It is well known that during the Ottoman domination there was a Dubrovnik colony in Provadia trading with the lands beyond the Danube. Sure merchants have paid with Dubrovnik and Venetian coins.</p> <p>The future archaeological research in Provadia region as well as the publication of new numismatic material will add extra clarity about the circulation of various Venetian and Dubrovnik coins in this geographical area and over the Bulgarian territories in general.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> Nevyan Mitev, Dragomir Georgiev ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/41 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Част от колективна монетна находка от XVI в. от село Горни Дъбник , Плевенско http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/42 <p>In 1996, during excavation works in Gorni Dabnik village they found a leather bad with 30 silver coins (25 Ottoman and 5 Western European ones) that means a mixed hoard. The hoard ranks among the most emblematic ones from the period of the 16th – 17th c. known from the Bulgarian territory under the Ottoman domination. Four of the European coins belong to types that have not yet been documented on the territory of today’s Bulgaria.</p> <p>The earliest Western European coin in the hoard is a Saxon one struck in 1539 in the mint yard of the town of Annaberg during the shared government of Dukes Johann Friedrich I and Heinrich (1539-1541). Its nominal value is half a Guldengroschen. The second coin is Guldiner from 1544 of the free imperial town of Kempten. The third coin is Reichsthaler from the joint coinage of the imperial towns of Deventer, Kempten and Zwolle, struck in 1555 under Emperor Charles V (1519-1556). The fourth European coin is Swiss thaler issued in 1561 by the three oldest Cantons of Uri, Schwitz and Unterwalden. The last European coin belongs to the County of Ostfriesland struck in 1564 under the shared rule of Erhard II and his younger brothers Christoph and Johann (1540-1566). The Ottoman coins in the hoard are 25 in number: one of Sultan Selim I (1512-1520); 6 pieces of Sultan Suleiman I (1520-1566); six pieces of Selim II (1566-1574); and 4 pieces of Murat III (1574-1595) (the remaining 8 coins cannot be identified). The coins were issued only by Balkan mints – Kunstantinie (Istanbul, Turkey), Edirne (Turkey), Novo Brdo (Kosovo), Üsküp (Skopje, FUR of Macedonia), Beograd (Serbia) and Sirus (Serres, Greece).</p> <p>The reason and circumstances of concealing the coins remains unknown. It was probably a matter of personal concern.</p> Krasimir T. Krastev, Venko Ivanov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/42 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Кратки бележки за „левантинските“ френски монети, за техните подражания от 50-те и 60-те години на XVII в. и за техния прием в османската империя http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/43 <p>The purpose for writing this paper is the recently released work by Krasimir Krastev – Polish Trojaks and Their Imitations (Полските трояки и техните подражания. Историкии. V. 8. Faber Publishing House 2015, 49-62). After reading it became clear that in the Bulgarian literature there is a serious omission associated with the poor knowledge of some of the very interesting coins circulating over the territories of the Ottoman Empire, Bulgarian lands including, during the second half of the 17th c. – the French coins of 5 sol and their imitations and contemporary counterfeits. Therefore, after the required critical remarks on the work of K. Krastev, the paper presents briefly the problem with these coins – from the launching of their issue in 1641 and the saturation of the Ottoman markets in 1660s and 1670s with them and their imitations and counterfeits till their replacement by the new Ottoman coins in the early 18th c. As a result of the review of dozens of sources from the era – official acts and information of travelers, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle against these incomplete foreign coins was conducted by French financiers in the context of poorly concealed resistance from the Ottoman authorities who tried to keep them in circulation to sustain the country’s economic life as at the same time the local mints had greatly reduced their production.</p> Nikolay Markov ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/43 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Западноевропейски монети от съкровището с. Копиловци, Монтанско http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/44 <p>In 1921 a treasure from Kopilovtsi village, Montana region entered the National Museum of Archaeology in Sofia. It contains silver jewels, appliqués from a bride’s wreath, temple pendants, a necklace, bracelets, rings, buttons and a silver chain with seven thalers. The jewellery is work of Chiprovtsi Goldsmiths’ School from the 17th c. The treasure contains also silver Ottoman and Western European coins from the 16th – 17th c. The latter have been adapted to fit to clothing or jewels as additional decoration. The coins are ten in number coming from various countries – Poland, France, Spain and the Republic of Ragusa.</p> Bissera Tomova ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/44 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Част от колективна находка със сребърни монети на султан Селим ІІІ (1789 – 1807),от фонда на НИМ – София http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/45 <p>The depot of the National Museum of History houses 27 silver coins of high nominal values of the Ottoman Sultan Selim III (1789-1807). They are a Part of a hoard its provenance remaining unknown. The latest of all 27 coins here released is a piece of 2 Groshes (ikilik) struck in the fifteenth year of Selim III’ reign (1803/ 1804). Probably at that time the hoard containing the 27 coins in question had to have been concealed.</p> Vladimir Penchev ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/45 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Моливдовул на Анастасий, комеркиарий на темата Халдия (IХ в.), намерен в Созопол http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/46 <p>In 2015 an interesting sphragistic piece was found during excavation works in the centre of the old town of Sozopol along the Bulgarian Black Sea coast. It was purchased by the National Museum of History – Sofia. The obverse of the seal bears an evocative monogram, and the reverse – a four-line legend in Greek. In an unfolded form and translated, the legend on both sides of the molybdobulla reads: Lord protect Anastasius Comerciarius of Theme of Chaldia.</p> <p>According to its paleographic features the molybdobulla can be dated from the 9th c. We do not know another seal to have been published in the name of Anastasius Comerciarius of Theme of Chaldia as well as any molybdobulla of a Comerciarius of Theme of Chaldia coming from the territory of today’s Bulgaria.</p> <p>The Theme of Chaldia was located in Asia Minor, along the Eastern coast of the Black Sea. Probably it was established exactly in the 9th c. Its centre was the important port city of Trebizond. Beyond any doubt the Comerciaria of Chaldia was in Trebizond. Probably from that harbour the boat departed to Sozopol transporting goods accompanied by a document attached with the molybdobulla here discussed. Also possibly the seal was hanging on a pack containing goods sealed through it.</p> Vladimir Penchev ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://journals.naim.bg/index.php/NSE/article/view/46 Fri, 29 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200